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Opinion

The deposit trap: 36,000 small savers, one paper empire — the state failed them first

₹391 crore in "salaries" for four employees. ₹80 crore in onions that were never bought. Export profits from exports that never happened. The ₹1,417-crore Unique Exports fraud is not just a crime story — it is a portrait of a state that arrives after the money is gone, and of small savers it never protected.

By The Justice news desk

· 2 min read

Piggy bank on coins, symbol of small savings
A piggy bank — nearly 36,000 small savers trusted the Unique Exports schemes with their savings; the state must now trace and recover the money. Photo: Wikimedia Commons

Read the Enforcement Directorate's statement on the Unique Exports case twice, and the numbers start to read like satire. A firm with four employees books ₹390.90 crore as salary payments. It records ₹79.56 crore spent on onions and other commodities — without buying any. It promises thousands of investors profits from agricultural exports, while carrying out virtually no export business at all.

It is not satire. It is a ₹1,417.86-crore fraud, and nearly 36,000 people — small savers, workers, retirees, families putting aside what little they had — walked into it.

The arrests of S. Naveen Kumar and S. Muthuselvam are welcome. But arrests are the last chapter of a story the state should have interrupted in the first. A scheme that collects over a thousand crore rupees from tens of thousands of depositors does not operate in the shadows; it advertises, it holds events, it pays referral commissions, it moves money through more than a hundred bank accounts. Every one of those is a point where a vigilant regulator could have stepped in.

Tamil Nadu has a law for exactly this: the Protection of Interests of Depositors Act, under which the original Erode FIR was filed. The question is why the law slept while the money moved. Deposit-taking frauds follow a familiar script in this country — grand promises, early payouts to build trust, a widening circle of victims, and then the vanishing act. The script is so familiar that the state's failure to recognise it in time is itself the scandal.

There is a deeper question here about who the victims are. People do not hand their savings to "UNI" and "FAP" schemes because they are greedy; they do it because the formal economy offers them so little. A fixed deposit that barely beats inflation, wages that do not keep pace with prices, and a financial system that treats the small saver as an afterthought — this is the soil in which every deposit trap grows.

So the response cannot end with two arrests. The state owes the victims three things. First, a real effort to trace and recover the money — ₹719 crore sat in accounts linked to the firm; follow it to the end. Second, proactive enforcement of the depositors' protection law: early warnings, public blacklists of suspicious schemes, and district-level monitoring that does not wait for an FIR. Third, financial literacy as public infrastructure — the same seriousness the state brings to collecting taxes should go into teaching citizens how money frauds work.

The Dravidian movement taught this land a simple lesson: the state exists to protect the common person from the powerful, not to arrive with condolences after the powerful have finished. In the Unique Exports case, the state arrived after ₹1,417 crore had vanished. That is not protection. It is paperwork.

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