Opinion

Opinion: A lane is not a buffer zone: Salem's gasp is a question for the TVK government's inspectors

A dyeing unit leaked acid fumes into a Salem residential street whose residents say they had complained before. Licensing that treats a neighbourhood as a buffer zone is not governance; it is abdication with a stamp.

By The Justice news desk · · 3 min read

Periyar E. V. Ramasamy. File photo.Photo: Staravindan / Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 3.0)

Begin with the most ordinary sentence in this week's news, the one that should stop every reader who has ever lived next to a factory: residents say they had complained before. On Tuesday night, hydrochloric acid fumes leaked out of a dyeing unit on Muniyappan Kovil Street in Salem's Gugai area, and more than fifty people, workers inside the unit and families in the homes around it, were left with burning eyes and a fight for breath. The fire service did its work in thirty minutes. The deeper question is what the state was doing in all the minutes, months and years before: the police are now checking whether the unit even held the required pollution-control permissions, which means that until the fumes arrived, nobody in authority can publicly say whether that unit should have been operating in that street at all.

This is the quiet architecture of industrial harm in Tamil Nadu. A dyeing unit does not appear in a residential lane by magic. It is licensed, or it is tolerated. Its acid is stored under someone's signature, or under nobody's. Its neighbours complain, and the complaint travels into the warm dark of a file. The system is not broken in the sense of malfunctioning; it works exactly as it is arranged to work, with the neighbourhood cast as a buffer zone: the street absorbs the noise, the effluent risk and, on the bad nights, the gas, so that the unit's economics can remain undisturbed. Cheap dyeing is subsidised, invisibly, by other people's lungs.

Periyar's self-respect was never only about ritual or rank. It was the claim that no human being is raw material for somebody else's convenience; that the worker mixing acid and the grandmother sleeping fifty feet away possess the same title to breathe that the unit owner possesses to earn. Anna translated that claim into a welfare state, and Kalaignar built its institutions, on the principle that government exists precisely for those who cannot hire a lawyer or a lobbyist. A government that calls itself a change from all that came before, as the TVK administration does, must be judged by whether it has changed the file into which Salem's complaints disappeared.

So here is the standard, and it is not complicated. Publish, ward by ward, how many dyeing and chemical units operate inside residential areas in Salem, when each was last inspected, and what its permission status is; the police check on this one unit must not end as an inquiry, it must end as a list. Answer every prior complaint from Muniyappan Kovil Street on the record, with dates. Pay for the medical care of everyone who breathed that night air, without making fifty families prove their breathlessness in triplicate. And decide, in public, the principle this government will live by: that no licence will ever again treat a lane of homes as the cheapest safety equipment a factory can buy. A Chief Minister's promise is measured at many counters. On Tuesday night in Gugai, it was measured in breath.

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